
The American Roman Catholic Bishops scored a major political coup last week. By working for and passing the Stupak Amendment in the House of Representatives’ health insurance reform bill, the bishops advanced their will to ban all federal subsidies for elective abortions in private insurance.
The bishops worked the halls of Capitol Hill like K Street lobbyists. They crushed over delicate efforts to segregate federal dollars from abortion services and wrote letters to Catholic members calling their communion with the Church, “flawed”.
No matter what one thinks of the results, the efforts of the bishops were impressive. Now that the House health care bill’s abortion language meets their approval, the bishops have lost their zeal.
A statement after the House vote by Francis Cardinal George, president of the United States Conference of Catholic Bishops celebrated the new abortion provision but offered only tepid, milquetoast support for health care reform as a whole. “We remain deeply concerned about other aspects of health care reform…” George said. “In the national discussion on how to provide the best kind of health care, we bishops do not claim or present ourselves as experts on health care policy.”
George goes on to state that the bishops think the nation’s health care system needs reform, “which protects human life and dignity and serves the poor and vulnerable,” but offers no opinion as to whether the bill they had just altered was worth supporting.
It is hard to think of any health care bill that wouldn’t meet the bishop’s criteria, so long as it’s not presented to experts. The bishops are more and more willing to use fundamental justice doctrine as a sacrificial lamb to serve another agenda.
The Washington Post reported on Thursday that the Archdiocese of Washington (D.C.) threatened to discontinue social services unless the District made changes to a same-sex marriage proposal. “Under the bill, headed for a D.C. Council vote next month, religious organizations would not be required to perform or make space available for same-sex weddings. But they would have to obey city laws prohibiting discrimination against gay men and lesbians.”
As one of dozens of social services providers in the District, Catholic Charities’ impact on fighting poverty is arguable, but the D.C. Council may be willing to let the Archdiocese follow through on its threat. “Terry Lynch, head of the Downtown Cluster of Congregations, said he did not know of any other group in the city that was making such a threat,” the Post said.
The Church has taken many actions in a campaign against extending rights to homosexuals from the recent referendum on gay marriage in Maine to the Vatican’s new structure to allow Anglicans, including married priests, to become Roman Catholics in full communion. The new structure is largely an opportunistic grab for traditionalist Anglicans upset about their church’s acceptance of gay bishops and same-sex marriages.
But what has taken place in Washington and Congress is an even more cynical betrayal of one part of Catholic doctrine in order to advance another. The fact that the bishops bring a moral force to any debate is undisputed. They can bring the language of social justice and common good in a way that liberals have been afraid to do for decades out of fear of being branded as socialists or worse.
The doctrine is there, written long ago, it represents the best practices of the Gospels. But, whether it is in health care, job rights, financial justice, or environmental stewardship the Vatican and the American bishops are passive. They rest on the laurels of past campaigns and save their energy for the next battle of the culture war.
Writer Andrew Sullivan has also noticed the trend.
I am struck by the emphases of the American hierarchy these past few months. On health insurance, there is far more public emphasis on preventing anyone who wants to get an insurance policy from the new government-run exchanges from getting an abortion (even if she pays for it herself) than on the core principle of health care as a human right (in Catholic doctrine).
I can see that both principles are valid, but the intensity of the campaign against one compared with the lackadaisical interest in the other seems unbalanced to me. The hierarchy’s growing fusion with fundamentalist Republican politics is becoming harder and harder to ignore. They can turn a blind eye to state-sanctioned torture, and to the suffering of those without healthcare, but when it comes to ensuring that gay couples are kept stigmatized or that non-Catholic women can’t have access to abortion in a secular society, they come alive.
It was not always like this. George’s predecessor, Joseph Cardinal Berardin worked not only for social justice but for common ground with people inside and outside of the Church.
Bernardin told the National Press Club in 1994 how his “Consistent Ethic of Life” applied to the last debate over health care reform and Catholic teaching specifically. “The foundation for all of these discussions is a deep conviction about the nature of human life, namely, that human life is sacred.” Bernardin said, “…will reform protect human life and enhance dignity?”
In a consistent ethic of life, however, abortion is not the beginning and the end of the debate. Bernardin saw reform as necessary to maintaining the moral order. He described it as part of a legacy of justice from both our religious and secular traditions.
Bernardin went on to quote Catholic theologian Philip Keane who wrote, “…justice shifts our thinking from what we claim from each other to what we owe to each other. Justice is about duties and responsibilities, about building the good community.”
It is that sense of justice that inspired Bernardin to say, “When I speak of universal coverage, I do not mean a vague promise or a rhetorical preamble to legislation, but the practical means and sufficient investment to permit all to obtain decent health care on a regular basis.”
Bernardin found the expertise to speak about medical underwriting, preexisting condition exclusion, and insurance red-lining. “Actuarial pricing designed to protect insurance company assets pits one group against another-the old against the young, the sick against the healthy-thus undermining the solidarity of the whole community.”
Bernardin had the clear eyes to see what was wrong with the health insurance system and the conviction to call for reforms consistent with Catholic values. Where is that among the bishops today?